How French diplomacy bent the knee in the face of terrorism – Exclusive report (excerpts) and public authority alert

Here is an excerpt from a report that is not the result of an emotional reaction but rather the outcome of a rigorous, in-depth investigation conducted by the Liberty Values & Strategy Foundation (lvs-foundation.org), thanks to strategic work supported by OSINT analyses, our networks of expertise, and verified, cross-checked open sources . It reveals — in a rigorously factual and legally indisputable manner — the existence of a corrupt system by which institutions of the French Republic have allowed people who publicly display hatred towards Jews to be welcomed onto French soil, sometimes as part of operations led by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs or in conjunction with French NGOs labelled as ‘humanitarian’.

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This is, by all means, a public service alert, highlighting a series of state decisions that physically endanger French Jews, while weakening our national sovereignty and France’s moral image on the international stage. The Nour Atallah affair was not a hiccup, but rather a symptom of diplomacy contaminated by complacency and sometimes by ideology. The case of journalist Fady Hossam Hanona, who was welcomed in France despite his explicit calls for the murder of Jews, reveals the same institutional failure.

Our republican duty is not to shirk these responsibilities; it is to remedy them with courage and lucidity. This report, based on rigorous and independent work, is part of this dynamic. It does not point the finger at individuals, but at systemic, institutional and doctrinal dysfunctions. That is why it does not merely set out the facts; it also makes immediate, clear, and democratically actionable recommendations, whether it be the dissolution of the French Consulate General in Jerusalem; the placement under supervision of French NGOs whose channels of intervention have served prohibited causes; or a full audit of the DGSI (General Directorate for Internal Security), whose screening shortcomings have allowed those who reject the Republic to enter it.

France has historically been a land of asylum — but it cannot become a refuge for anti-Semitism. Our report affirms that humanism without vigilance and discernment is not a virtue, but a political vice and a strategic threat. In the name of freedom, reason, and the Republic, it was our duty to deliver these findings and propose a course of correction. Because the fight against anti-Semitism is a fight for freedom. And the Republic never protects us more than when it refuses to turn a blind eye. “What we call “administrative failure” is sometimes just another name for deliberate compromise. “

Since the attacks perpetrated by Hamas against Israel on 7 October 2023, France — drawing on its diplomatic history, its universalist principles and its international standing — has stepped up its efforts to help the Palestinian population of Gaza, in particular through a humanitarian evacuation programme, presented as exceptional, conscious and supervised. This evacuation programme was supervised by the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs (Quai d’Orsay), carried out in conjunction with the Consulate General of France in Jerusalem, and partially implemented by the Crisis and Support Centre of the French diplomatic service. Between November 2023 and August 2025, more than 500 people were exfiltrated from the Gaza Strip to French territory: the wounded, journalists, students, scholarship holders, those accompanying minors, artists, and academics. This was not a simple one-off logistical operation; it was part of a broader diplomatic strategy aimed at demonstrating France’s solidarity with the Palestinian people — sometimes to the point of risking compromise with political, ideological and logistical structures controlled or infiltrated by terrorist organisations such as Hamas or the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).

It was in this context that the Nour Atallah scandal broke, revealing the extent of the system’s failings. This student from Gaza, welcomed to France with a scholarship of excellence to study at Sciences Po Lille, turned out to be the author of social media posts calling for the murder of Jews, praising Hitler, hailing the pogroms of 7 October 2023 and inciting terrorism. Just a few days after her arrival, after she had been welcomed warmly in the French media, it took only a few clicks on her X account for hundreds of hate messages to be revealed publicly. The affair broke, prompting the immediate suspension of the evacuation programme by Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot. But this suspension was merely a smokescreen: it never addressed the heart of the scandal. For this was not a one-off failure of screening or an isolated intelligence lapse. It was evidence, already confirmed by other cases—including that of Palestinian journalist Fady Hossam Hanona, who was welcomed into France despite public calls for the genocide of Jews—of a failing institutional system, in which French diplomacy took the risk of a serious and ongoing compromise: that of welcoming, financing, and legitimising individuals and structures deeply hostile to the values of the Republic, complacent with jihadism, and carriers of murderous anti-Semitism.

This investigation lies at the intersection of:

• the structural failure of the Quai d’Orsay,
• the ideological corruption of the French Consulate in Jerusalem,
• the grey areas of public funding for NGOs linked to terrorist organisations,
• and the importation onto French soil of a radical, violent, unapologetic and rapidly growing form of anti-Semitism.

France is not only exposed to administrative filtering failures or security breaches: it is faced with a diplomacy that abdicates — blinded by the automatisms of ‘state Third Worldism’ or humanity without borders, which confuses asylum with laxity and abandons its republican standards in the face of the most offensive Islamist organisations.

Here, I rigorously present the facts and connections, based on French, German and English-language sources, think tank reports (FDD, NGO Monitor), media investigations, notably by Dreuz.info and the mainstream media; I identify the institutional leaders and demonstrate a mechanism that is much broader than a simple scandal involving individuals. I examine all dimensions of the scandal, the control procedures that failed, the broader pattern of French diplomatic engagement with entities linked to terrorism, and the geopolitical context surrounding France’s pressure for recognition of the Palestinian state. Finally, in its conclusion, this investigation calls for immediate measures to break with the past, without which France will continue to endanger its citizens — especially its Jewish citizens — on its own soil.

I. The scandals of a complacent, even complicit system

1. The Nour Atallah affair: from academic excellence to the glorification of genocide

I will not go into detail about this case, which has been widely reported in the media. What is interesting is that it reveals a threefold failure: flawed selection, insufficient screening of social networks, and poor coordination between the relevant departments. It comes at an explosive time, as the Süddeutsche Zeitung points out, for two main reasons: firstly, the war in Gaza is being experienced with particular acuity in France, which is home to the largest Muslim community in Europe (5-6 million people) and the largest Jewish community in Europe (around 500,000); Secondly, France has actively campaigned for the recognition of a Palestinian state, which it recognised in September 2025. Failure to respond to Atallah’s anti-Semitic messages could have compromised the momentum of France’s diplomatic offensive.

Looking more closely at the arrangements in place before this scandal, they included:

• a selection phase by the French Consulate General in Jerusalem (with priority given to the wounded, journalists, outstanding students, artists, cultural personnel and scholarship holders);
• central coordination by the Quai d’Orsay crisis centre;
• checks by the DGSI and parallel checks requested from the Israeli authorities;
• biometric processing outside Gaza (Jordan, Egypt), and visa management via VFS Global for certain administrative steps;
• possible referral to OFPRA for asylum applications and recognition of refugee status.

The core of the failure lies in the fact that recent public content — Atallah’s social media posts inciting hatred and glorifying terrorism — was not detected by the initial screening procedures: while public screenshots on X enabled citizen detection (OSINT), the official services had neither the processes nor the systematic operational tools to integrate these signals. The discovery of this content by external observers was therefore more effective than official screening, which is dramatic. In the wake of this scandal, the ministry announced a number of measures: re-verification of existing profiles, explicit inclusion of a criterion of ‘respect for republican values’, strengthening of controls through social media monitoring, and a drastic reduction in intake volumes (as evidenced by the limited resumption in October 2025). A joint administrative investigation by the Ministry of the Interior and the Quai d’Orsay has been launched to determine responsibilities and prevent the same flaw from recurring. Yes, but… possible sanctions have been mentioned publicly without confirmation of their implementation.

The facts are indisputable:

• The selection of the student was carried out by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs via the France Excellence and Jerusalem Consulate programmes.
• The security screening was validated by the DGSI
• The academic sponsorship was validated by Sciences Po Lille, based on the criterion of ‘academic excellence’.

In a matter of hours, the entire French diplomatic and administrative chain appeared to be failing, even cynical. This was all the more so as a second case — that of journalist Fady Hossam Hanona — broke in the following days, confirming that the Atallah case was not an anomaly, but a logical consequence of a blind, even complicit, political line.

• 2. The case of Fady Hossam Hanona: glorification of Hitler and media legitimisation

A few days after the Atallah scandal, the press revealed a second — equally edifying — case of diplomatic and security failure: that of Fady Hossam Hanona, a 37-year-old Palestinian journalist from Gaza, who was evacuated to France on 25 July 2025 as part of the same programme run by the Quai d’Orsay. This evacuation was carried out through the same diplomatic channels as that of Nour Atallah, via the Consulate General of France in Jerusalem, notably thanks to his status as a ‘protected’ journalist in a war zone. Upon his arrival, Hanona immediately collaborated with the French media and was presented as a privileged witness to the IDF’s operations in Gaza. He was quoted or reported on by LCI, France 24, Le Figaro and other media outlets, even though public archives in Arabic already existed in which he openly advocated the murder of Jews.

On 31 July 2025, internet users and activists compiled a dossier of public evidence, which was quickly picked up by i24NEWS, the Journal du Dimanche, CNews, Radio Shalom, and then by the international press. It was discovered that Fady Hanona had published several messages in 2022 calling for the extermination of Jews, including: ‘Jews are sons of dogs,’ ‘I am in favour of killing and burning them as Hitler did,’ ‘I wish for the death of all Jews on Earth,’ ‘Our martyrs will prevail, the Jews will fall, it is only a matter of destiny.’ These messages, as in the Atallah case, were not hidden: they were public, listed, archived. Some of them had even been authenticated by independent cyber-surveillance NGOs. When questioned by Radio Shalom and other media outlets, Hanona never issued a public apology or contested the authenticity of his posts. After these messages were revealed, the Paris Public Prosecutor’s Office opened an investigation for ‘apology for crimes against humanity’ and ‘incitement to racial hatred’. The journalist was reported by anti-Semitism organisations, which demanded that his stay in France be suspended. Yet again, one fact remains indisputable: the French state — through its Ministry of Foreign Affairs — fully facilitated the entry into its territory of an individual who, thirty-six months earlier, had called for the genocide of Jews. This case, like that of Nour Atallah, was only detected by citizens — not by the state services. It is yet another illustration of systemic flaws.

This is where a pattern emerges:

• The Quai d’Orsay, through the Consulate General in Jerusalem, acts as the moral and logistical guarantor of a selection of evacuees, which turns out to be a sham;
• The French screening services (DGSI) have ceased all forms of minimal OSINT, allowing individuals with openly jihadist rhetoric to enter and settle on national territory.

Many political voices have highlighted this scandal as revealing the absolute collapse of the state:

‘The Republic is now incapable of protecting the Jews of France if it welcomes with open arms figures who advocate their extermination,’ said a senator who is a member of the commission of inquiry into cross-border jihadism.

The Hanona case was often lamented as ‘the last straw’ by several media outlets, but it was by no means the last. However, we must look far beyond these scandals (at least those that are known to us) to understand the extent to which French institutions have become indirect supporters of terrorism.

II. French Consulate General in Jerusalem: from diplomatic relay to hub of Islamist influence

‘When a consulate ceases to be the Republic’s forward laboratory, it becomes the outpost of a foreign policy that abdicates.’ This is what I wrote in my series of four articles entitled The Eighth Front, published here on the French Consulate in Jerusalem.

Historically, the French Consulate General in Jerusalem served as France’s diplomatic representation to the Palestinian authorities, in the absence of a formal state. Its mission, supervised by the Quai d’Orsay, was to be strictly consular and cultural. But over the past fifteen years or so, this post has been transformed into an unofficial French embassy to Palestine, and even more than that, into a tool for penetrating Hamas’ ideological networks. The consulate’s political line — marked by a strong Third Worldist tradition, coupled with a superficial anti-Israeli fixation — has paved the way for a major ideological shift:

• Public actions adopting Hamas narratives (via local ‘cultural’ NGOs)
• Selection of pro-Hamas activists or influencers for programmes sponsored by Paris
• Indirect funding of para-political structures linked to the PFLP (Al-Bustan Centre)

All this was accomplished under the successive leadership of ambassadors and consuls who, through ideology or negligence, facilitated the takeover of the consular apparatus by Islamist activists. In The Eighth Front: From Consular Diplomacy to the Quasi-Palestinian Embassy, I exposed a French system deeply infiltrated by transnational Islamist networks.

In particular, I demonstrated that:

• The Consulate no longer merely ‘monitors’ the local situation but intervenes as a political and social actor, notably through the recruitment and financing of Palestinian personnel in situations of acute conflict, particularly in Hamas-controlled areas (Gaza).
• Certain cultural attachés and project managers have personally recommended individuals linked to Hamas and the PFLP for scholarships (e.g. Nour Atallah, Fady Hanona).
• The Consulate has normalised practices contrary to republican values, such as selecting candidates on ideological criteria linked to terrorist organisations.

These facts, which have now been widely corroborated, show that part of the consular apparatus has ceased to be a republican institution dedicated to diplomatic dialogue, becoming instead a logistical channel for the establishment of Islamists in France. In parallel with the Consulate’s actions, several French NGOs that are theoretically humanitarian but in reality militarily supervised (according to NGO Monitor, 2023-2025) have served as logistical platforms for ideological and financial importation.

These NGOs, including Humani’Terre, the UJFP (French Jewish Union for Peace) and the AFPS (France Palestine Solidarity Association), not only redistributed funds from French municipalities and the State to Gaza and the Palestinian territories under terrorist organisation, but also served as fronts for projects that were ostensibly humanitarian but directly linked to Hamas. Studies conducted by non-governmental organisations and think tanks, such as NGO Monitor, have revealed persistent links between French programmes (particularly scholarships), cultural centres and municipal partnerships with entities or individuals associated with the PFLP or Hamas. Let us look specifically at the cases of the Al-Bustan Centre and the agricultural project in Khuza’a.

1. The al-Bustan Centre

The al-Bustan Centre, located in Silwan in the eastern part of Jerusalem, was inaugurated in July 2019 with the support of the French Consul General. According to corroborating sources, the establishment was reportedly under the direction of Daoud Ghoul, who has been convicted three times by Israel for belonging to the PFLP; His successor posted violent messages on social media. These facts are recorded in the public reports of several think tanks, including NGO Monitor.

According to data collected by NGO Monitor, the number of French municipalities funding projects in the Palestinian territories is expected to increase from 15 in 2019 to 34 in 2023. This increase reflects an industrialisation of local support for Palestinian projects, some of which are carried out without sufficient scrutiny of the underlying ideology.

These findings raise a fundamental question: is it acceptable for French actors to fund or recommend beneficiaries through networks involved in intelligence activities or associated with entities classified as terrorist? The institutional response to date has been insufficient.

• 2. The ‘agricultural’ project in Khuza’a

Studies conducted by NGO Monitor and other organisations have highlighted the existence of French funding for agricultural initiatives in the Khuza’a region, located in the south-east of Gaza City. These projects are managed by the organisation Humani’Terre, which operates through a network of associations. In addition, reports indicate that officials associated with the Hamas authorities, such as the Minister of Agriculture and the Governor, participated in the inauguration of these projects. Subsequent Israeli operations revealed the presence of significant tunnels in the area, and images and videos broadcast by the Israeli media showed an electric vehicle bearing the ‘Humani’Terre’ logo found in a tunnel beneath the UNRWA building. This information was picked up and published in the international specialist press (Jerusalem Post, etc.). Furthermore, according to reports, French judicial sources have contributed to proceedings to freeze Humani’Terre’s assets, based in part on evidence gathered through investigations and cross-checking (OSINT elements and material evidence from military operations).

Important clarification: the electric vehicle bearing the ‘Humani’Terre’ logo was photographed and shown in videos/images from Israeli sources inside a tunnel under a building linked to UNRWA — photographs and screenshots reproduced by the international press (OSINT). It was precisely this material evidence (vehicle discovered in a combat zone) that the French courts relied on in 2025 to freeze Humaniterre’s assets.

In its analysis, NGO Monitor reveals the modus operandi of a network of entities (composed of French associations such as the French Jewish Union for Peace (UJFP), the France Palestine Solidarity Association (AFPS), Humani’Terre, as well as French municipalities) that have supported initiatives in Judea and Samaria and East Jerusalem. According to reports, some of these entities are managed by individuals with ties to the PFLP or a terrorist ideology. These projects have provided services, organised trips to Europe and facilitated access to privileged educational opportunities for the families of ‘martyrs,’ giving rise, according to some observers, to a ‘bubble’ of privileges and access. The expansion of the French municipal network reflects the institutionalisation of local support.

This link between an NGO funded through French channels and Hamas infrastructure is not only a case of indirect funding of a terrorist organisation, but also a flagrant failure to control humanitarian funding sources.

Furthermore, these intertwined networks between French diplomacy, French ‘pacifist’ NGOs and foreign Islamist organisations have created a pipeline for the massive importation of doctrinal anti-Semitism into France: Nour Atallah (scholarship student) — pro-Hitler, anti-Jewish, openly anti-Semitic; Fady Hanona (guest journalist) — apologist for the Holocaust, celebrating Hitler; other candidates not disclosed to the public but identified in 2025 by the services. These individuals were financed, recommended, housed, and integrated into French higher education, research, or editorial institutions without any OSINT filtering by the state. This institutional failure — now massive, documented, and systemic — calls into question not only the diplomatic officials in Jerusalem, but also the state as a whole.

III. French NGOs serving Palestinian networks: ideological complicity, embezzlement and major strategic failure

• 1. A well-oiled machine: from humanitarian ‘soft power’ to the logistics of terrorism

Since the 2000s, a nebulous network of associations claiming to be ‘in solidarity with Palestine’ has developed in France, acting as interfaces of influence between French institutions and networks affiliated with Hamas, the PFLP and the Palestinian Authority. Under the guise of humanitarian or cultural solidarity actions, these organisations have gradually acquired the capacity for political, financial, academic and even security mobilisation — without rigorous state control. Among the main associations involved are, of course, Humani’Terre, the UJFP (French Jewish Union for Peace), the AFPS (France Palestine Solidarity Association) and and the Platform of French NGOs for Palestine. These structures, often subsidised directly or indirectly by the state or municipalities with a radical left-wing or environmentalist majority, play a clearly identified role as a transmission belt, which Israeli political scientist Gerald Steinberg, founder of NGO Monitor, summarises as follows:

“They operate as unofficial agents of French diplomacy, while adopting the narratives and strategies of radical Palestinian groups. “

The case of Humani’Terre is now emblematic: an electric vehicle bearing the NGO’s logo was found in an operational Hamas tunnel that served, among other things, as a logistical branch for the attack on Kibbutz Nir Oz, in which 117 Israeli civilians were killed or kidnapped. The presence of equipment associated with a French NGO sheds striking light on Hamas’s capture of aid channels financed from France. In 2025, the French courts froze Humani’Terre’s assets on the basis of information indicating ‘proven links between humanitarian resources and terrorist purposes’.

Important note: This court decision is one of the few in France since 2015 concerning the financing of Islamist terrorism by a ‘legal’ NGO registered in France.

Another pillar of this network is the Al-Bustan centre, created and funded by a Franco-Palestinian municipal collective under the authority of the French Consulate General in Jerusalem and the NGO Association France Palestine Solidarité (AFPS), whose director is known to have been convicted three times by Israel for belonging to the PFLP. Furthermore, his successor, Sara Qaraein, has also been identified by NGO Monitor as an activist who celebrates ‘martyrs of the armed resistance’ on social media and openly supports the ideology of the PFLP. Between 2019 and 2023, Al-Bustan officially received funding from 34 French local authorities, including Montreuil, Bagneux, Grenoble, Saint-Denis, and Ivry-sur-Seine. Some of these local authorities are among the municipal strongholds of the La France Insoumise (LFI) party, whose elected representatives have also voted motions of ‘honour’ for convicted terrorists such as Marwan Barghouti.

The scheme culminates in the Platform of French NGOs for Palestine, which brings together some 40 associations, including CCFD-Terre Solidaire (which in 2015 funded structures linked to the PFLP), ACAT-France, Médecins du Monde and the LDH. Under the pretext of fighting ‘Israeli apartheid,’ this platform acts as a meta-lobby financed by the MAE, which redistributes funds, promotes BDS boycott campaigns prohibited by French law (see Perinçek v. France case law), and regularly organises training sessions with radicalised activists in Ramallah or Gaza.

In 2025, this entire structure will receive at least €2.8 million per year in public subsidies channelled to Palestinian or Franco-Palestinian organisations — without any systematic evaluation of the beneficiaries, as attested by a report by the Court of Auditors published in 2024. This raises an essential question: how have the various levels of the French state apparatus contributed — through ideology, negligence or abandonment of their mission — to the importation of anti-Semitic profiles onto national soil, to the detriment of internal security and republican cohesion?

IV. The political and administrative architecture of the drift: from the CNDA to the DGSI, via the Quai d’Orsay

On 11 July 2025, the National Court of Asylum (CNDA) handed down a historic decision, granting refugee status in France for the first time to a Palestinian from Gaza, not on the basis of personal risk but solely on the grounds of residing in Gaza. In so ruling, the CNDA considered, and I quote, that the ‘systematic use of methods of warfare employed by the Israeli army in Gaza’ justified the protection of ALL residents of the Gaza Strip. This doctrinal shift has three consequences: the de facto extension of the right of asylum to an entire population living under the terrorist regime of Hamas, regardless of their opinions or actions (and whose indoctrination is well known); the depoliticisation of asylum, which has been transformed into geographical recognition; and incompatibility with French principles of naturalisation, based on adherence to republican values.

A former public rapporteur for the Council of State on refugee law, interviewed by Le Point in August 2025, stated:

“This decision by the CNDA goes beyond the strict framework of the law and becomes a political act under the guise of administrative jurisdiction. ‘

Under the leadership of Jean-Noël Barrot, the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs implemented ’university protection” programmes in support of the CNDA’s decision:

• Evacuation of 500 to 600 Palestinians between November 2023 and August 2025
• Establishment of state scholarships (‘France Excellence’)
• Accommodation of students and journalists without serious ideological screening
• Possibility of selection by local ‘resource persons’: NGOs and Palestinian administrative officials — often linked to Islamist groups

This scheme is a model of asymmetrical cooperation, where the choice of people to be evacuated, scholarship holders, temporary staff or visiting professors is largely left to local pro-Hamas or pro-PFLP authorities, notably through the French Consulate General in Jerusalem. In the series of articles I published, I made a point of emphasising that the Quai d’Orsay did not simply fail to exercise vigilance, it subcontracted the selection of those who were to reside in France on behalf of the Republic to militant incarnations of Palestinian Islamism. This ‘Palestinian solidarity’ is extremely dangerous for Jews in France, but also for social cohesion. In the cases of Nour Atallah and Fady Hanona, the DGSI (General Directorate for Internal Security) failed to identify any warning signs. Yet these individuals had left strong traces on social media, in publicly accessible databases. The DGSI exonerates itself through the voice of the Minister of the Interior (Bruno Retailleau), who states: “My ministry’s services did not participate in the selection of these individuals. ‘

This is factually true — and politically very serious. The Director General of the DGSI explains internally that the automatic and systematic screening of applications was never triggered because Palestinian evacuees are treated as ’sensitive diplomatic entries”, which places them under consular jurisdiction (Quai d’Orsay) and not under common law (Home Office). In other words, the internal security services were bypassed by the Quai d’Orsay, so the DGSI never received the necessary screening algorithms and the Ministry of the Armed Forces was not consulted either, despite the involvement of active armed groups. Minister Barrot’s political entourage, in several internal memos leaked on social media, established a political priority: to demonstrate France’s pro-Palestinian commitment in a context of European ‘wait-and-see’ (France Info, August 2025). Barrot’s cabinet clearly has a pro-Palestinian bias, and this doctrine has led to several choices: the absence of ideological filtering because it is contrary to the ‘academic honour’ of the system, the unilateral compassionate view of the ‘victims’ of Gaza, and the refusal to reclassify Hamas as a totalitarian group of a genocidal nature, unlike the American or Australian administrations. Thus, the screening of Gaza-France evacuation files is not only poorly done: it has been politically obstructed by doctrine.

V. The planned importation of anti-Semitism: a Republic in danger

“Contemporary waves of anti-Semitism do not arise spontaneously. They are provoked, methodised, and above all tolerated by the institutions that are supposed to curb them.” — Excerpt from the CRIF speech, 20 October 2025

Since the attacks on Israel by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and the military response that followed, France has seen a spectacular and worrying resurgence of anti-Semitic acts. According to provisional data from the DNRT (National Directorate of Territorial Intelligence), confirmed by the Ministry of the Interior, 1,570 anti-Semitic acts were recorded in 2024, more than four times the number in the previous year. In 2025, this figure had already been exceeded by September, according to estimates by representative Jewish organisations. To gauge the scale of this: it means that for a Jewish population representing less than 1% of the French population, 62% of anti-religious acts committed in France in 2024 targeted Jews.

“Today, anti-Semitism is a mass phenomenon in certain sections of the population. It is unapologetic, ideologised and, above all, imported.”— CRIF Occitanie, August 2025

In the months following the arrival of Nour Atallah and Fady Hanona in France, several high-profile cases confirmed the reality of a now widespread and aggressive anti-Semitism:

• August 2025: an amusement park in the Pyrenees refuses entry to 150 Israeli children aged 8 to 16 on the grounds of their origin. The incident leads to the arrest and subsequent indictment of the park’s director for ‘anti-Semitic discrimination in access to a service’.
• Lyon, August 2025: a Jewish teenager is verbally abused and beaten as he leaves a religious service by an individual shouting ‘Go back to Israel, Jewish dog’. The attacker is filmed but was not apprehended at the time of the incident.

These acts, committed at the heart of French society, stem from narratives that are no longer marginal but are transmitted through official channels, as the Atallah and Hanona cases have shown. On 17 August 2025, the State of Israel officially protests against France’s inaction: Benjamin Netanyahu sends an open letter to President Macron, in which he writes: “Your policy of recognising the Palestinian state and your measured response to terrorism encourage the importation of war-like anti-Semitism. You are fuelling a fire of which French Jews are the first victims. ‘

In response, the Élysée Palace described Netanyahu’s remarks as ’abject” — but offered no solid justification for the lax treatment of hatred of Jews by individuals such as Hanona and Atallah. Internationally, several civil society actors have spoken out: NGO Monitor reiterates its demand that France and the European Union ‘immediately cease funding local or intermediary organisations cooperating with terrorist entities’. Hillel Neuer (UN Watch) publicly denounced, in a passionate thread on X on 3 August 2025, the passive complicity of French diplomacy in welcoming ‘anti-Semitic activists posing as journalists or academics’. The FDD (Foundation for Defense of Democracies) highlights in a strategic note published in September 2025 the French specificity of ‘soft anti-Semitism via the Gaza pipeline’, which is absent in countries such as Germany due to their reinforced security controls. A cross-analysis of diplomatic sources, public statistics and journalistic investigations confirms the following pattern: the importation of individuals belonging to the ideological ecosystem of Islamist terrorist organisations (Hamas, PFLP) with the active support of French public tools (grants, visas, allowances) and the socio-political legitimisation of radicalised discourse, which has become commonplace in the public sphere.

France is not only called upon to protect itself from domestic anti-Semitism. It has imported, encouraged and institutionalised it — in part through the diplomatic apparatus it controls itself. Let us look at this in detail.

VI. Systemic failures and state complicity: the collapse of republican safeguards

Contrary to the public version put forward by Jean-Noël Barrot (Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs), the State of Israel was never consulted about the profiles of Gazans evacuated to France. This omission is not an administrative error, but the result of a strategic choice. By refusing to go through the French Embassy in Tel Aviv, which would have been the natural point of contact for French diplomacy in any sensitive case involving Gaza, the French authorities deliberately circumvented protocol, relying exclusively on the French Consulate General in Jerusalem and on ‘trusted local intermediaries’ — including several pro-Hamas NGOs or those close to the PFLP (Humani’Terre, AFPS, UJFP, for example). This choice made it possible to neutralise any potential intervention by Israeli intelligence, which would have easily identified the ideological backgrounds of Nour Atallah and Fady Hanona and would probably have blocked or issued an unfavourable opinion on their travel plans, given their pro-Nazi content and calls for the genocide of Jews.

In the second part of my investigation, Le Huitième Front (The Eighth Front), I detail this intentional scheme: “The selection process for Gazan evacuees did not go through the French Embassy in Tel Aviv — the formal instrument of cooperation between states — but through an autonomous consulate, ideologically aligned and instrumentalised to bypass any form of effective anti-terrorist verification. This mechanism is a deliberate strategy, not an accident. ‘

This methodology follows a logic that several diplomats summarise with the expression: ’Gaza, a cause. Israel, an obstacle.‘

From an administrative point of view, the consular circuit used made it possible to classify the files of Gazan evacuees as ’diplomatic” entries rather than as migrants or refugees subject to common law. The consequences were immediate, as the DGSI never had access to these files – in other words, there was an orchestrated absence of DGSI screening – the Ministry of the Armed Forces – which represents the Directorate of Intelligence and Defence Security – was not mobilised, and no joint OSINT cell was called upon to analyse the publicly available information. This system made it impossible to detect such obvious signals as Nour Atallah’s X account or Fady Hanona’s Facebook posts. On the contrary, it was through the efforts of citizen activists – almost amateurs – that the revelations emerged. The state did not fail to detect these signals: it deliberately prevented any competent body from analysing them.

In an internal memo revealed by France Info on 7 August 2025, an adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs summarised the doctrine that guided the relocation programmes in France: “It is essential that France appears as the welcoming land of Palestinian academia, culture and media, as a counterweight to Israeli aggression. “

This objective – ideology before security – led to the implementation of a relocation policy without ideological filtering or security consultation: in my previous articles, I wrote that this policy is ambivalent from a republican point of view but fully aligned with the discourse of Hamas and international Islamism (part 3 of the series). By recognising all civilians in Gaza as ‘targets’ of war eligible for asylum on 11 July 2025, the CNDA helped to erase any distinction between political refugees and collaborators with terrorist organisations. It has thus opened up a massive legal loophole favouring the mass relocation of civilians under the control of Islamist groups and undermining any subsequent ideological challenges. This decision acted as the final threshold of collapse — the legal equivalent of handing over the keys to internal security to Hamas’ agenda. The legal lock has well and truly fallen.

Recommendations for restoring republican sovereignty, protecting French Jews, and dismantling networks of compromise

“The urgent task is not to comment on the obvious, but to restore the chain of state authority: parliamentary control, intelligence, justice, and sanctions. “

Guiding principles

1. Security first: no welcome, no subsidies, no cooperation without anti-terrorist screening and examination of violent ideology (anti-Semitism, apology for terrorism).
2. Rule of law: all measures must be based on clear legal grounds (CSI, Penal Code, CGCT, ECHR).
3. Traceability & control: political accountability, effective parliamentary control, published audits.

The facts presented in this excerpt from our report are not simply a series of isolated failures: they characterise a systemic collapse of the republican state in the face of Islamist influence strategies. It is therefore urgent to respond in a manner commensurate with the risks identified, and our report proposes the following measures, among others:

1. Immediate dissolution of the French Consulate General in Jerusalem. This diplomatic body has become the active hub of a parallel foreign policy aligned with the Islamist terrorist agenda; it validates clandestine channels for the admission of anti-Semitic ideologues and allows trans-territorial financing operations for terrorist purposes to be carried out. It is therefore appropriate to request its closure and dissolution by presidential decree within three months, the transfer of its consular and cultural functions under the direct supervision of the French Embassy in Tel Aviv (security level), and to organise a retroactive judicial assessment of the personnel involved in admissions (2023-2025).
2. Placing under administrative supervision and initiating criminal proceedings against the NGOs involved: Humani’Terre, AFPS, UJFP, partners of the Palestine Platform (if applicable for the latter). The immediate application of Article L.212-1 of the Internal Security Code gives the right to administratively dissolve or suspend associations whose activities seriously undermine public order or constitute acts of terrorist financing. At the same time, the National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office (PNAT) must be called upon to investigate aggravated money laundering and the financing of terrorist enterprises (Article 421-2-2 of the Penal Code)
3. Referral and full mobilisation of the National Assembly to put an end to clandestine diplomatic control of sensitive migration flows without a legislative mandate. A parliamentary commission of inquiry should be set up as a matter of urgency, under shared chairmanship, entitled ‘Admission to France of nationals ideologically aligned with terrorist organisations — administrative responsibilities and para-sovereignty of NGOs’.
4. Full and enhanced involvement of the Parliamentary Intelligence Delegation (DPR). Indeed, the intelligence services were not consulted on this admission policy. The DPR’s mandate must therefore be extended to assess without delay the security screening failures attributable to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the lack of a secure information channel for the reception of refugees from Gaza, and consular cooperation diverted towards partisan influence objectives. The DPR should issue a public report within four months.

These recommendations are not intended solely to impose sanctions. They aim to restore the State to its natural position as guarantor of national security, rather than as an unwitting auxiliary of totalitarian entities. The French state must acknowledge, accept and correct this through a statement by the Prime Minister to the National Assembly. The security of French citizens — especially Jewish citizens — is a non-negotiable condition of the republican state.

Today, we are witnessing a political, moral, diplomatic and security failure. To see this demonstration through to the end requires courage, facts, names, OSINT evidence, and the rejection of a compromise that is increasingly accepted in France: that of trivialising anti-Semitism when it is dressed up as so-called ‘progressive’ causes. We are publishing this report out of republican duty — and because, for the first time since the Algerian War, there is a direct link between the French state apparatus and a system of importing anti-Semitic hatred, controlled from Gaza and legitimised by French diplomacy, in total contradiction with the state’s obligations towards its own citizens.

The task now — which falls to us collectively — is to prevent its repetition. Or worse still: its expansion.